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Expectations for Students with Cognitive Disabilities: Is the Cup Half Empty or Half Full? Can the Cup Flow Over?
Expectancy Effects: A Brief History and Literature Review
Since the 1970s, the notions of the "self-fulfilling prophecy" (SFP), the "Pygmalion Effect" (PE), and more recently, "expectancy effects" (EE), have become commonplace in the educational psychology literature. In general, these terms refer to similar phenomena. The research literature on teacher expectancy effects is large. For the purposes of the current paper, we have relied extensively on a number of key research syntheses, many that have included multiple meta-analyses. Key sources (and recommended reading) include Babad (1993), Cotton, (1999), Jussim, Madon, and Chatman (1994), and Spitz (1999).
Merton (1948) is recognized as the first to coin the term "self-fulfilling prophecy" (which has now evolved into the more general phenomena of "expectancy effects"; Jussim, Madon & Chatman, 1994; Spitz, 1999). According to Merton (1948), SFP occurs when an inaccurate definition of a situation elicits new behaviors which, in turn, make the originally inaccurate conception a reality. SFP is a compelling theory, largely because of its potential implications and elegant simplicity.
The concept is simple enough: If we prophesy (expect) that something will happen, we behave (usually unconsciously) in a manner that will make it happen. We will, in other words, do what we can to realize our prophecy (Spitz, 1999, p. 200).
In most EE research, it is usually a person in a position of authority (e.g., an employer, medical professional, parent, teacher, etc.) who holds expectations about an individual (or group) under their supervision. According to the EE research, expectations expressed by an authority figure via verbal and nonverbal communication often influence the self-image and the behavior of the supervised person in such a way that the expectations held come to pass.
Origins of Expectancy Effects
The "self-fulfilling prophecy" (SFP) has long been studied by sociologists and psychologists under various labels (Gozali & Meyen, 1970; Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1966; Wineburg, 1987; Zuroff & Rotter, 1985). SFP is also often referred to as the "Pygmalion Effect" which was drawn from the title of the original book (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968a; Pygmalion in the Classroom) that reported the phenomenon. SFP first appeared in early psychological research studies where it was demonstrated that experimenters could unwittingly influence the behavior of animal and human subjects during an experiment (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1966). In 1968, Rosenthal and Jacobson substituted teachers for experimenters in order to investigate the effects of teachers' expectancies on the intelligence test scores of their pupils. The Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968b) study was designed to measure "whether those children for whom the teachers held especially favorable expectations would show greater intellectual growth than the remaining or control-group children" (p. 68) when evaluated approximately 5, 8, and 20 months later. Cotton (2001) provided a succinct summary of the original Pygmalion study:
The Rosenthal/Jacobson study concluded that students' intellectual development is largely a response to what teachers expect and how those expectations are communicated. The original Pygmalion study involved giving teachers false information about the learning potential of certain students in grades one through six in a San Francisco elementary school. Teachers were told that these students had been tested and found to be on the brink of a period of rapid intellectual growth; in reality, the students had been selected at random. At the end of the experimental period, some of the targeted students—and particularly those in grades one and two—exhibited performance on IQ tests which was superior to the scores of other students of similar ability and superior to what would have been expected of the target students with no intervention (¶ 4).
The Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968a) report suggested that teacher expectations could increase or decrease intelligence (IQ) test scores. Understandably, this report created a media sensation (see Elashoff & Snow, 1971; Spitz, 1999; Wineburg, 1987). The possibility that teachers could effect change (either positive or negative) in a student's IQ scores held considerable popular interest and appeal. According to Cotton (2001):
These results led the researchers to claim that the inflated expectations teachers held for the target students (and, presumably, the teacher behaviors that accompanied those high expectations) actually CAUSED the students to experience accelerated intellectual growth. Few research studies in the field of education have generated as much attention and controversy among educators, researchers, and the general public as Rosenthal and Jacobson's Pygmalion study…in the popular press, articles began appearing which used the Pygmalion findings as a springboard for the claim that perhaps "Johnny can't read" because his teachers don't have faith in his abilities and don't encourage him, particularly if he is poor or a member of a minority group. Other articles looked at the positive side, giving teachers and parents the message that they could improve children's school performance dramatically by communicating high expectations to them (¶ 6).
Since the publication of Rosenthal and Jacobson's original 1968a study, SFP/EE research has enjoyed a long and controversial history in the educational psychology literature. Controversies have focused primarily on methodological (e.g., technical adequacy of measures, individual differences between teachers in studies, etc.) and dependent variable (i.e., affecting intelligence, behavior, achievement, etc.) issues (see Babad, 1993; Spitz, 1999). In general, contemporary research syntheses (including meta-analyses) indicate that the expectations of one person can influence the behavior or performance of another person (Babad, 1993; Jussim et al., 1994). Based on a comprehensive review of the literature, Cotton (2001) concluded that "teacher expectations are, of course, a component of school wide expectations …the most important finding from this research is that teacher expectations can and do affect students' achievement and attitudes" (¶ 21). The prevailing conclusion is that some SFP/EE effects exist with regard to certain student characteristics (Jussim et al., 1994). According to Babad (1993):
Today there is no doubt that SFP effects exist, and teacher expectations—based on fabricated information as well as on real differences among students—can have systematic influences on (in descending order of effect magnitude) teachers' impressions of students, teachers' grades, students' performance on objective achievement tests…However, the phenomenon is probabilistic, and SFP effects do not take place in every classroom and for every teacher. (p. 128)
Expectancy Effects and Intelligence
It would be an understatement to describe the EE research focused on the relations between teacher's expectations and intelligence as contentious (Babad, 1993; Spitz, 1999). Post hoc re-analysis of the original classic Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968a) investigation raised many questions about the study's methodology. Numerous attempts to replicate the Pygmalion effect (i.e., teacher expectations can increase or decrease student IQ scores) have proven unsuccessful; in fact, only one doctoral dissertation (of 20) was deemed a success in Spitz's review (1999). In many of the subsequent follow-up studies the control groups often gained more IQ points than the experimental groups. In addition, a number of prominent educational and psychological researchers (e.g., Cronbach, Snow, and Thorndike) provided very negative reviews of Rosenthal and Jacobson's (1968a) original research (see Spitz, 1999).
It is clear from a review of the voluminous literature that the specific effect of teachers' expectations on children's intelligence had, over time, been lost and blended together with teacher expectancy effects on variables other than intelligence (Elashoff & Snow, 1971). Rosenthal resolutely withstood withering criticism on these points, and as time passed, further obfuscated the issue of the Pygmalion Effect (PE) by not clearly delineating the difference between cognitive effects (which were not clearly proven over time) and other classroom expectancy effects (e.g., academic achievement). Rosenthal did, however, bring this important area of study into the classroom.
Many other researchers have continued to examine the teacher-student expectancy effect. A clear connection between expectancy effects and IQ has not been established (Brophy, 1983; Jussim, Madon, & Chatman, 1991; Jussim & Eccles, 1995; Raudenbush, 1984; Rosenthal & Rubin, 1978; Spitz, 1999). However; expectancy effects and academic achievement do appear to correlate positively.
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